In a press release issued September 22, after Channel 5 broke a story about Burch's contributions to Luna--the council member stated: In , commissioners in Travis County in south-central Texas considered banning gun shows. Did I miss something? I couldn't make this stuff up. But if history were any indication, banning an organization from holding an event in a city risks the possibility of lawsuits.
Chris Luna had also been invited, but declined to make the trip. In , Littlefield tried to auction the empty prison at a fire sale price that still would have left the city millions of dollars in the red. The men confined there say that the turnover makes it impossible for them to advance in treatment, which is their only way out of indefinite detention. A secret plan to build a for-profit prison camp to house the men in Liberty County similarly collapsed. Supreme Court, where, in January , the justices ruled it constitutional. The federal files contain specific arrest information for three employees whom police claimed to have observed selling drugs at Caligula. Go home tonight, Dallas, get naked and get busy. Altogether, a tranquil view. The only journalist who wrote a story telling people in plain language what the Johnnie Hernandez deal really was all about was veteran investigative reporter Hugh Aynesworth, who lives here, reports for The Washington Times, and writes books. Coggins said the Rizos bribe evidence wasn't introduced at the Amarillo trial because it wasn't needed. There it was, packaged up and pretty, ready to roll: A month earlier, Burch Management officials had been among those in attendance at a fund-raising party at the Stoneleigh Hotel to celebrate the councilman's birthday. Lorlee Bartos was chairwoman of the license appeal board that heard the case. It's no surprise that Luna was familiar with those letters. In Los Angeles, by contrast, there were no obscenity prosecutions. Multiple adult businesses sued, and City Attorney Analeslie Muncy — which somehow seems the perfect name for someone crusading against smut — traveled to Washington to argue before the Supreme Court that Dallas had a legitimate interest in targeting adult businesses because they were a magnet for crime and degraded property values. Schoenfeld and the others were frisked, loaded onto vans and prison buses and driven hundreds of miles to Littlefield, a remote, sparsely populated corner of the Texas Panhandle, where guards shuffled them into the Bill W. Clayton Detention Center in Littlefield. Texas has joined other states with lockdown-style civil commitment programs that have been challenged in court in recent years. In , it narrowly averted another legal disaster after the city attorney persuaded them to drop a lawsuit they'd filed against a movie distributor to enforce their classification of another movie, Who is Harry Kellerman and Why Is He Saying All of Those Terrible Things About Me. Luna, who declined to answer questions for this story, previously told the Observer that the invitation had surprised him. It also raises questions about whether the city's inability to regulate sexually oriented businesses results from legal barriers--or failures of the political flesh. Officials at the detention center were adamant: Many of the problems that haunt private prisons elsewhere are evident at the center. Is that remotely the reaction you'd want to hear from your elected officials downtown? City financial statements also show that for years Littlefield officials tried to get the feds to house immigrants at the prison, but those talks went nowhere. Attorney Mike Uhl knew before the trial was over that he already had Lipscomb nailed on the taxi bribes.
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